Just a few decades ago, Ethiopia was a country defined by its 
famines, particularly between 1983-1985 when in excess of half a million
 people starved to death as a consequence of drought, crop failure and a
 brutal civil war
Against this backdrop, it is impressive that in recent years, 
Ethiopia has been experiencing stellar economic growth. 
The headline 
statistics are certainly remarkable: the country is creating 
millionaires faster than any other in Africa; output from farming, 
Ethiopia’s dominant industry, has tripled in a decade; the capital Addis
 Ababa is experiencing a massive construction boom; and the last six 
years have seen the nation’s GDP grow by a staggering 108 percent.
But it is not all positive news, because for all the good figures there are still plenty of bad ones.
Around 90 percent of the population of 87 million still suffers from 
numerous deprivations, ranging from insufficient access to education to 
inadequate health care; average incomes are still well below $1500 a 
year; and more than 30 million people still face chronic food shortages.
And while there are a number of positive and genuine reasons for the 
growth spurt – business and legislative reforms, more professional 
governance, the achievements of a thriving service sector – many critics
 say that the growth seen in agriculture, which accounts for almost half
 of Ethiopia’s economic activity and a great deal of its recent success,
 is actually being driven by an out of control ‘land grab’, as 
 multinational companies and private speculators vie to lease millions 
of acres of the country’s most fertile territory from the government at 
bargain basement prices.
At the ministry of agriculture in Addis Ababa, this land-lease 
programme is often described as a “win-win” because it brings in new 
technologies and employment and, supposedly, makes it easier to improve 
health care, education and other services in rural areas.
“Ethiopia needs to develop to fight poverty, increase food supplies 
and improve livelihoods and is doing so in a sustainable way,” said one 
official.
But according to a host of NGO’s and policy advocates, including 
Oxfam, Human Rights Watch and the Oakland Institute, the true 
consequences of the land grabs are almost all negative. They say that in
 order to make such huge areas available for foreign investors to grow 
foodstuffs and bio-fuels for export – and in direct contravention of 
Ethiopia’s obligations under international law – the authorities are 
displacing hundreds of thousands of indigenous peoples, abusing their 
human rights, destroying their traditions, trashing the environment, and
 making them more dependent on food aid  than ever before.
“The benefits for the local populations are very little,” said 
renowned Ethiopian sociologist Dessalegn Rahmato. “They’ve taken away 
their land. They’ve taken away their natural resource, because these 
investors are clearing the land, destroying the forest, cutting down the
 trees. The government claims that one of the aims of this investment 
was to enable local areas to benefit by investing in infrastructure, 
social services … but these benefits are not included in the contract. 
It’s only left up to the magnanimity of the investor.”
And those investors, he continued, are simply not interested in 
anything other than serving their own needs: “They can grow any crop 
they want, when they want it, they can sell in any market they want, 
whether it’s a global market or a local market. In fact most of them are
 not interested in the local markets.”
He cited as an example a massive Saudi-owned plantation in the 
fertile Gambella region of south west Ethiopia, a prime target area for 
investors: “They have 10,000 hectares and they are producing rice. This 
rice is going to be exported to the Middle East, to Saudi Arabia and 
other places. The local people in that area don’t eat rice.”
But the most controversial element of the government’s programme is 
known as ‘villagisation’ – the displacement of people from land they 
have occupied for generations and their subsequent resettlement in 
artificial communities.
In Gambella, where two ethnic groups, the Anuaks and the Nuers, 
predominate, it has meant tens of thousands of people have been forced 
to abandon a traditional way of life. One such is Moot, an Anuak farmer 
who now lives in a government village far from his home.
“When investors showed up, we were told to pack up our things and to 
go to the village. If we had decided not to go, they would have 
destroyed our crops, our houses and our belongings. We couldn’t even 
claim compensation because the government decided that those lands 
belonged to the investors. We were scared … if you get upset and say 
that someone stole your land, you are put in prison. If you complain 
about being arrested, they will kill you. It’s not our land anymore; we 
have been deprived of our rights.”
Despite growing internal opposition and international criticism, the 
Ethiopian government shows no sign of scaling the programme back. 
According to the Oakland Institute, since 2008, an area the size of 
France has already been handed over to foreign corporations. Over the 
next few years an area twice that size is thought to be earmarked for 
leasing to investors.
So what does all this mean for the people on the ground? In Ethiopia – Land for Sale, filmmakers Veronique Mauduy and Romain Pelleray try and find out.
Source-www.ethiomedia.com
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