It is being disseminated that a certain group of the TPLF and
Bereket are trying to purge some veteran members of the TPLF. Purges
are not new in the TPLF, but it is a break from the tradition of the
TPLF, if a group has really disclosed its intention before taking an
irrevocable measure.
Ambush and pre-emptive attack
One aspect of the tradition of the TPLF, which is devoid of any transparency and accountability was that the perpetrators
prepare their intrigues to harm their victims without informing the
targeted victims and the rank-and-file-members of the TPLF and purge (as
they did to Aregawi and Ghidey in 1985, to Seeye, Gebru Tewelde etc in
2001) or liquidate their victims (Abera Manka, Hagos Haileselassie
etc0in 1977/78 and Teklu Hawaz in 1985). In all the cases mentioned, the
victims did not get a fair chance to express their opinions and this
practice of injustice applies to many others.
To put it in military terminologies, the protagonists behaved as if
they had to ambush their victims. They launched surprise attacks against
their victims whenever the latter list expected the attacks. Another
aspect of the tradition pertains to the fact that the perpetrators used
to go over to a pre-emptive attack, whenever they felt insecure and
feared being held accountable for crimes or feared losing power.
Accusing Kinnjit was for instance a pre-emptive attack. Those who
ordered the massacre and those who executed the order after the election
should have been accused, but the killer framed the accusation to
pre-empt his exposition and the mobilization of the people against him.
This also shows that conflict resolutions in the TPLF have always been
zero-sum-games. On the surface, the perpetrators seem to achieve their
aims with dishonest accusations. In reality, it is the use and threat of
physical force (the control of the army) which enables them to
implement deceptive measures which they try to sell as sophistication
and smartness.
During the armed struggle, they (the perpetrators) used to inform
others after the fait accompli to justify their measures and silence any
potential expression of any grievances in the case of purges. They kept
liquidations secrete with the exception of that of Teklu. With the
murders they committed in 1977/78, the perpetrators succeeded in making
the none-CC members of the TPLF as apolitical as the weapons the latter
carry by destroying mutual trust and instilling a feeling of suspicion
and fear amongst the fighters of the TPLF. The evaluations (Gmgemas) are
mainly meant to maintain the atmosphere of insecurity by forcing
everybody control everybody else reciprocally.
A few individuals in the TPLF have been exploiting the lack of a
democratic culture and consciousness amongst the members to maintain
their repressive rule. Such individuals are perpetuating the
undemocratic culture. In this connection, most members of the TPLF are
victims, objects of experiment for tyranny and tools of the oppressors
at the same time. The few who are in charge of the TPLF have the key (an
organized and armed force) to control Ethiopia. They are controlling
almost all key positions in Ethiopia that their dominance is too unjust
to be tolerable and sustainable. As this lopsided ethnic relationship is
the objective reality, exposing and opposing it should be the duty of
any democrat. Objectively exposing the repressive and corrupt practices
of the Tigrayan elite is not an attack on the people of Tigray. But
there are also people who generalize. On both sides, some generalize
deliberately, others innocently or due to their inability to
differentiate.
Now, coming back to the alleged split, Sebhat Nega, in an interview
with Dawit Solomon of Fnote Democracy (posted on 31 January 2013 in
zehabesha) has said part of the truth, in saying that the TPLF has never
experienced a split. The whole truth is that there were splits in the
leadership, but no splits of the whole organization, because the
none-CC-members have neither the right to make decisions nor the right
to get information on the issues prior to the decisions. Generally,
armed undemocratic organisations (like fascists, Stalinists and
religious fanatics), do not split, because the leaders do not inform
their members about their differences of opinion and let the members
freely discuss as well as take sides on the issues. What the
perpetrators do always is take measures on the dissidents and spread
lies about them. And this was what the leadership of the TPLF has been
doing so far.
Sebhat is trying to hide the fact that the TPLF is too undemocratic
even to split. The clique which controls the TPLF cannot tolerate any
differences of opinion even within itself and that is why it
subordinated itself to a single tyrant. Of course, a split would
certainly have entailed war, since no independent groups would have
tolerated each other. If the Sebhat clique were sincere and had
confidence in the correctness of the decisions it arrived at, it would
allowed the members of the Front to participate in the process of
decision making. Since the clique is used to depriving its own members
of their rights, it is depriving all Ethiopians of an alternative and
harassing the opposition.
After speaking a single sentence with a partial truth, Sebhat
resorted to his lies. He claimed that he and his cohorts are used to
discussing as long as it takes, to iron out their differences. Meles
gave a similar disinformation in the summer of 1998 while he, in
violation of the regulations of the organization, was preparing to purge
almost half of the members of the CC of the TPLF. The example Sebhat
gave about a long discussion with Ghidey Zeratsion is utter nonsense.
Ghidey and Aregawi, while expressing their opinions within the CC, were
not aware that the Meles/Sebhat clique was preparing to get rid of them
and there were no formal discussions amongst members not belonging to
the CC on the issue before the purges. One of the reasons for the
expulsion of Ghidey was his mild opposition to the Marxist rhetoric (the
tactic not the strategy) so that the aid from the West may not be
affected. The whole rhetorical jargon and the aim were totally abandoned
after his expulsion.
In a similar manner, the claim by Sebhat that incompetent members are
expelled does not correspond to the truth. The victims are mainly those
who empress their opinions. By the way, why should incompetence, if
that were the case, be a crime? Why are individuals who served the TPLF
suddenly treated as enemies? The truth is, while incompetent people can
be marginalized without being incriminated through elections in a
democratic organization, those who control the TPLF are interested in
blind loyalty so that they can maintain their power and their economic
advantages.
Differences of opinion within an armed organization and differences
between armed organizations in Ethiopia are resolved eventually by
intrigues and force and/or the threat of it. No major organization
waging an armed struggle has restrained itself from going to war against
any other in the recent past in Ethiopia. Therefore there is no basic
difference between the feudal lords of the era of the princes and the
present war mongers when it comes to attempts at monopolizing power by
force. In spite of the similarities in intolerance, the present
politicians are more hypocritical than the feudal lords of the past;
because the present ones understand the concept of democracy and pay
only lip service to it unlike those of the past who lived in an era in
which democracy was unknown in the region. Even in the absence of
modernity, Emperor Yohannes and King (later Emperor) Menilik were unique
in their tolerance of each other and in avoiding war between them.
Those who are agitating ethnic enmity should learn from the responsible
behaviour of both emperors.1
Who are the contending groups, if there are any?
We can talk about the groups, irrespective of whether or not the
individuals have formed groups. One alleged group is supposed to include
Sebhat, Abay, Seyoum, Tsegay and Qedusan. The first three (they will
henceforth be called the trio.) are the most veteran, but also
responsible for many cases of crimes against humanity and corruption.
They were the individuals along with Meles who started their career in
the armed struggle with an anti-Ethiopian and undemocratic obsession.
They wrote a manifesto for the secession of Tigray from Ethiopia and
undemocratically kept other members of the TPLF in the dark about the
content. Despite their manifesto, they ironically became the rulers of
Ethiopia and continued committing crimes.
If the other group includes Bereket, he is a liability to his group.
Azeb can get sympathy from some Meles Voodoo (spirit) worshipers. For
critical minds, Azeb is a negative symbol of corruption linking her
husband, the trio and a few others.
The fact that Azeb, without a
corresponding qualification controls EFFORT, such a business
conglomerate worth billions of dollars and the fact that she is the only
female member of the politburo of the TPLF is an evidence of nepotism.
Since Azeb got her position by virtue of being the wife of Meles, Meles
was involved in this act of corruption. Pardon! He was involved in his
own words, in acts of pervasive rent seeking and patronage, as is also
the case with his political corruption of claiming an election victory
exceeding 99% of the seats. EFFORT, which came into being with stolen
(withheld) aid money, is basically a colossal evidence of the corruption
of the TPLF mafia clique. (A propos aid, the best way for a fair
distribution of aid under the rule of the EPRDF is to make an
arrangement for the opposition and the EPRDF to mutually control each
other. It is impossible for the donors to control the abuse of aid by
the
EPRF).
EPRF).
Several people have proposed that EFFORT should be controlled by
external auditors. But I think any attempt at controlling is useless as
long as our people are not free. It is only with the prevalence of
freedom that any control can make sense.
Notwithstanding the facts mentioned above, it is worth pointing out
that many young Ethiopians have been so indoctrinated by the monopolized
media outlets that they don’t perceive the evilness of the incumbent.
Possible results of the conflict
Abay woldu, in an angry speech after the death of Meles, had implied
some sort of a conflict. If his anger was provoked by the suggestion
that the loyal dissidents like Tsadkan should be readmitted into the
TPLF, it does not make sense. His fear could not have been caused by the
reintegration of the dissidents, but rather by the danger that someone
would manipulate and dominate the TPLF to his disadvantage.
Some latecomers in the TPLF leadership positions cannot, with the
presumption of innocence, be considered as criminals (by commission). A
single tyrant is not controlling Ethiopia for the first time in our
modern history and that is in itself a welcome development; although the
whole system has yet to be changed for the better. The new initiative
of an open conflict may be resolved in several ways and entail different
outcomes or it may bring nothing. The best solution would be for all
members of the EPRDF, as a whole, to eventually participate in free
discussions, get rid of the criminal and corrupt elements and
democratically elect a new leadership. Is this a wishful thinking? That
may be the case, but it is worth wishing, provided those who can make
the change, especially the unprivileged members who make up an
overwhelming majority of the army share the wish of abolishing the
totalitarian regime and respecting the rights of all Ethiopians.
1 : In my opinion, those who attack
emperors Yohannes and Menilik – the former mostly muslin extremists the
latter narrow ethnic nationalists – belong to the most destructive
elements amongst Ethiopians. I was shocked when I heard a person in the
current Affairs pal talk room, on 13 February 2013, expressing his
Schadenfreude at the barbaric beheading of emperor Yohannes by the
dervishes. The attack on emperor Menilik revolves around his alleged
policy of dividing Tigrayans. This accusation should have been buried at
least after the Tigrayans on both sides of the Mereb came to power and
consolidated the division.
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